National Chair / Co-founder; Zita Holbourne Established 2010, grassroots campaigning org against racism, injustice, adverse impact of austerity on black communities, for migrant / refugee rights. UK based but our focus is both o UK and globally. Email: barac.info@gmail.com Twitter: @baracuk Instagram: @baracuk original Facebook group: Black Activists Rising Against Cuts page: BARAC UK GoFundMe Humanitarian Aid crowdfunder: https://www.gofundme.com/f/BARACHumanitarian
Blog Archive
Monday, 18 August 2025
BARAC UK at Glastonbury 2025
Sunday, 5 September 2021
Help BARAC UK to reverse Bruce's unjust deportation to Zimbabwe
We started a fundraiser on Friday 3rd of September with Crowdfunder UK to raise funds for legal fees for Bruce Mpofu who was unjustly deported to Zimbabwe. Bruce has no family or friends in Zimbabwe and came to the UK with his mother aged 9. From today, Sunday 5th of September, following a period of quarantine due to the coronavirus pandemic the 7 people deported on 25th of August, on a Privilege Style airways plane will be destitute. So any money left over after paying legal fees will go towards living costs for Bruce.
DONATE NOW TO SUPPORT BRUCE'S LEGAL CHALLENGE
Despite living in the UK since he was 9 years old, Bruce was sadly deported to Zimbabwe on 25th August.
Bruce who is aged 29 now, was born in Zimbabwe but came to live in the UK with his mother when he was just 9 years old. He went to school in the UK and his mother works for the NHS.
He was sentenced to 11 months in prison aged 18 for a burglary and has not reoffended since. But this mistake has impacted on his immigration status in the UK despite being here since he was a young child. This was over ten years ago and since then he has surrounded himself with good friends, has volunteered coaching young people with an aim of keeping them on a positive track and in education and has been a member of Wibsey Rugby Club for many years.
During a routine and regular signing in visit to the Home Office, Bruce was detained on 8th of July and held in detention until he was deported to Zimbabwe on the 25th of August. This was despite efforts to legally challenge this unjust and inhumane action by the Home Office. Previously the UK government had agreed not to deport people who came to the UK as children.
Help us seek new legal representation for Bruce so his deportation can be overturned.
Bruce has spent the majority of his life in the UK, he went to school here, all his family and friends are here. Everything he knows and his familiar with is here in the UK. He has no family or friends in Zimbabwe.
He made a mistake while he was still a teenager and was punished for his crime. People who are born in the UK , who commit a crime, can be punished, serve their time, be rehabilitated and turn their lives around. But for Bruce and people like him, who were not born in the UK, they face a lifetime of punishment, impacting on their ability to study and work in the UK, made to sign in weekly / fortnightly with the Home Office, held in detention which is like being in prison again and then deported and left destitute and in danger in a country they do not know, thousands of miles away from loved ones.
Despite having legitimate grounds to remain in the UK including coming to live in the UK as a child, all his family being here and his right to family life, Bruce was wrongly deported.
Thank you for your support from all of us at BARAC UK
As an organisation that campaigns against deportations and for justice for the Windrush Generation as well as carrying out regular humanitarian aid missions to support people who are refugees, we have started this fundraiser to help with the costs of legal representation in order for Bruce to challenge his deportation so he can be reunited in the UK with his family and to assist him with living costs such as food and shelter while he is stuck in Zimbabwe.
Please help us to assist Bruce to get new legal representation so that he can be reunited with his family and friends in the UK.
Thanks to everyone who has supported Bruce thus far and thank you for your support for our campaigns against injustice and discrimination and for human rights for all.
https://www.crowdfunder.co.uk/help-us-reverse-bruces-deportation-to-zimbabwe
Saturday, 10 April 2021
An open letter to the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities on its report of 31 March 2021, signed by victims of the Windrush scandal and their lawyers, campaigners, advocates, activists and allies
Open letter regarding the Race Report from those directly impacted by the Windrush Scandal and individuals and organisations who have campaigned for justice with them.
Co-signed by BARAC UK and BAME Lawyers for Justice representatives including National Chair of BARAC UK Zita Holbourne and National Women's Officer of BARAC UK Donna Guthrie
Read original here
Letter in the Independent newspaper here
From the Centre for Migration Advice and Research on behalf of the assigned signatories
c/o McKenzie Beute and Pope
The Woodlawns Centre 16 Leigham Court Road Streatham London SW16 2PJ
jacqueline@mckenziebeuteandpope.com
Dr Tony Sewell
Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities
10 Victoria Street
London
SW1A 0NN 9 April 2021
Dear Dr Tony Sewell,
Re: The 31 March 2021 Report of the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities
We have read the report by the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities, published on 31
March 2021, for which you wrote the foreword as chair of the Commission. We are made up
of, and represent, the victims of the Windrush scandal, as the lead organisations, lawyers,
campaigners, researchers and others supporting those affected by the scandal in a myriad of
ways. We are concerned to find that your report appears to have ignored the Windrush
scandal, exposed in late 2017/early 2018 as one of the most significant instances of group
discrimination of our time. The systematic discrimination of the Black community known as
the Windrush generation demonstrates not only how the acts of institutions and the state
negatively affects the lives of Black people in the UK, but how this has gone onto impact
upon future generations.
The injustices meted out to the Windrush generation are therefore well-known. Why then is
the only reference to the scandal in your report a suggestion that those affected feel let
down? Let down? This is not how we would describe it. Lives have been destroyed. For
example, several claimants to the Windrush compensation scheme, whose stories were
published in the press forcing the government to apologise and take action, died due to
health complications caused in part by the stress of their situation, long before they ever
received any compensation.
In your introduction, you refer to your team having spoken to communities as part of your
engagement. Why then did you not speak to those of us who are directly affected by the
Windrush scandal or who are part of over thirty organisations working to support the
thousands of people directly affected?
There does not appear to be much support for your report and generally we agree with the
criticisms levelled against it. We are at a loss to understand how you arrived at the
conclusions you did with the vast amount of independent data available to you. Intrigue on
your method of scholarship aside, we are stunned and heartbroken at your attempt to defile
the memory of those who were subjected to the brutality of the transatlantic slave trade
and the systematic oppressions that followed it, by recasting their experience, and your
1.
ignorance of the impact on subsequent generations. There is no experience of that Maafa1
other than an honest admission of how people were dehumanised and subjugated purely
because of their race.
From the report, we were looking for an appraisal of how the racism that dehumanised
during the slave trade, continues to blight the lives of its descendants, and what you
planned to do to tackle the intergenerational consequences. Instead, your report is a
dreadful attempt to rewrite history and denigrate it to a footnote. You are effectively
denying the true experiences and existences of Black people, so that the annals of history
will once again favour the oppressors.
You say in your report that historic experiences haunt the present and that there is a
reluctance to acknowledge that the UK has become open and fairer. Are you not aware that
despite the aggravating features of the hostile environment, the current injustices are
historic in nature? The origins of these more contemporary injustices are steeped in historic
legislation fuelled by people like Enoch Powell, Oswald Mosely and Margaret Thatcher, the
latter of whom referred to this country as becoming swamped by migrants. Do you think
that these injustices are imagined? Do you think the lived experience of the victims of these
injustices should be ignored?
Some of us and people we know have been denied lifesaving medical treatment, lost jobs
and houses, have been detained, removed and deported from the UK. People we know
have died and large numbers are affected by ongoing trauma – an intergenerational trauma.
Have you noticed that the victims of the Windrush scandal are mostly people of African and
Caribbean descent?
You find that an unexplained approach to closing disparity gaps is the extent to which
individuals and their communities ought to help themselves through their own agency,
rather than waiting for “invisible external forces” to assemble to do the job. Are you saying
then that those affected by the Windrush scandal brought the problems upon themselves?
Do you think that there is something that could have been done to have stopped the state
from destroying landing cards and records of those who arrived from Commonwealth
countries in the Caribbean? Or from demanding that people pay thousands of pounds that
they did not have to obtain a status that they already held?
Do you know how hard this community has worked to support itself? Though you allude to
knowledge of the role of supplementary schools as a positive force, you appear to have
failed to understand that the need to establish these schools was because of structural,
systemic and institutional racism in the mainstream education sector.
You ascribe a new era to the presence of the Windrush generation in the UK. The historical
one has gone apparently, and you define an era of rebellion which you say has also passed.
According to you, we are now in an era of participation. We are having to second guess
what you might mean by this, but in terms of the Windrush scandal, the one initiative set up
by the Home Office which was meant to involve the meaningful participation of those
affected – a stakeholder group - was dismantled by the Secretary of State just last month,
1Maafa is a term derived from Kiswahili meaning ‘a great disaster or tragedy’ or ‘terrible occurrence’. It is
used to describe the Transatlantic slave trade and its lingering effects.
2
on the basis that a new Cross-Government Working Group chosen by her would assume the
role.
You say further that you want the children of the Windrush generation to discover their
British heritage. What do you mean precisely? That they are ill informed about their
history? Why do you think that might be? Which child in the UK, of any background, knows
less about the true and complex British history and heritage than any other? Have you read
Wendy William’s Windrush Lessons Learned Review? As you do not appear to have referred
to it in your report. She found that the history of the Windrush generation was
institutionally forgotten and specifically recommended that:
“6 a) The Home Office should devise, implement and review a comprehensive learning and
development programme which makes sure all its existing and new staff learn about the
history of the UK and its relationship with the rest of the world, including Britain’s colonial
history, the history of inward and outward migration and the history of black Britons. This
programme should be developed in partnership with academic experts in historical
migration and should include the findings of this review, and its ethnographic research, to
understand the impact of the department’s decisions.”
The mistreatment of the Windrush generation started on 22 June 1948, when HMT
Windrush anchored off Tilbury Docks, and several MPs at the time sought to turn away free
women and men who had been invited to the UK, sending them to work on a peanut
plantation in Africa instead. Though people thereafter could stay in the UK to work
predominantly in the public sector, they were also subject to everyday racism and
discrimination. Can you not see that their experiences and subsequently those of their
descendants, have been plagued with inequalities and subsequent disparities of
achievement? Despite all the hard work of the Windrush generation to better themselves,
their families and support British society, the evidence shows that the systemic inequality
that plagued the first generation and their descendants continue to suffer worsening
outcomes in almost every area of life including education, health, mental wellbeing,
housing, business ownership, employment and criminal justice.
And how dare you start pitting different nationalities of Black people against another
without doing the necessary work to understand how different histories – histories of
enslavement, for example, and complex migration patterns across different eras – have
impacted on outcomes? Had you spoken to us, or to any academics working in these fields,
we might have been able to tell you this.
You find that Britain is no longer a country with a system rigged against ethnic minorities.
Several reports before yours have concluded that it is. How did you arrive at such a vastly
different conclusion? What do you think accounts for the conclusions you have reached,
when the same data has elsewhere produced vastly different outcomes? What of the
findings of universities, the civil service, the NHS and the FTSE 100 corporations which
confound yours?
We do not think that the UK is a beacon for any other country. It is steeped in a systemic
and structural racism that extends far beyond the Windrush generation. As direct and
indirect victims of the Windrush scandal and supporters of their cause, we stand in solidarity
with those seeking asylum; those whose families are being torn apart by draconian polices
3
and extortionate fees; those women and men who are held in immigration detention
centres deemed unfit for human inhabitation; those who have made the UK their home and
face deportation to countries they do not know; those foreign students falsely accused and
disbelieved, like many of our number; and the holiday makers from many non-visa
Caribbean countries who end up in immigration detention centres because an immigration
officer has decided that their reasons for visiting the UK are not legitimate, to name just a
few. We are astonished that your report is silent on these matters, which form part of the
complex combination of factors that affect how and which communities advance in society.
Who is it that creates the policies, rules and legislation that disproportionately impacts upon
Black people? Who created a right-to-rent scheme, which was found to influence landlords
on whether they choose to rent to people of different backgrounds? Who came up with a
system that required employers, schools, nurseries and doctors to start checking
immigration statuses, and which caused so many to wrongly lose their jobs, livelihoods and
in some cases their will to live?
You state that those from the Black Caribbean ethnic group, which includes the first
generation of Windrush victims, makes up one of the longer-standing migrant groups in the
UK. You then conclude that minorities who have long been established in the country, in a
context of persistent racial and socio-economic disadvantage, may be the least likely to be
optimistic about the potential for social mobility and education to transform their lives.
Again, not only do you ignore your own evidence, especially in relation to the historical and
current role of supplementary schools as one example, but you ignorantly neglect to
consider the aspirations of that first generation. That generation hoped that their children
would have opportunities that they did not, only to discover that the system sent their
children to approved schools, or told their children that they could not aspire to certain
exams, universities or career choices. This broke their hearts.
We were also puzzled by this statement:
“The Commission further recognises the wisdom and lived experience of the Windrush
generation that has seen the changing shape of race relations in the UK, from which
the young can learn. This knowledge needs to be framed into a message that speaks
more about responsibilities, conflict resolution, and the building of bridges.”
Do you think that members of the Windrush generation have burnt bridges, inspired conflict
and/or are being irresponsible?
Though Wendy Williams did not make a definitive finding of institutional racism in the Home
Office, following her review into the Windrush scandal, she did express serious concern that
the department’s failings demonstrated an institutional ignorance and thoughtlessness
towards race and history, which were consistent with some elements of the definition of
institutional racism.
If you have some of the elements of racism, there is racism. If it comes from an institution,
it is institutional. If there is evidence that a racial group is disproportionately disadvantaged
in and by bodies such as courts and tribunals, schools and universities, hospitals and the
police and in private and social organisations across sectors, then that racism might well be
structural.
4
We ask that you listen to the many experts in race, culture and society who have spoken out
this past week and for many years on these issues. We have listened to them too. You
should look particularly closely at the work of Tendayi Achiume, the UN Special Rapporteur
on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance,
who found in June 2019 that the UK Government’s policies exacerbate discrimination, stoke
xenophobic sentiment and further entrench racial inequality. She cited persistent racial
disparities in, among others, education, employment, housing, health, surveillance,
interactions with police, prosecutions, and incarceration. She found:
“Notwithstanding the existence of a legal framework devoted to combating racial
discrimination, the harsh reality is that race, ethnicity, religion, gender, disability status
and related categories all continue to determine the life chances and well-being of people
in Britain in ways that are unacceptable and, in many cases, unlawful;” and
"Undoubtedly, the UK’s attempts to collect disaggregated data, review discriminatory
outcomes, and draft action plans are vital to the realization of the human right to racial
equality. "However, the Government must not confuse data collection and piecemeal
reviews for the action it obliged to take under international human rights law. The
Government has a duty to undertake comprehensive reviews and implement without
delay concrete steps targeted to ending racial discrimination and ensuring racial equality."
We believe that you must now revisit your work and examine the data more closely, seek
evidence from a wider variety of sources, consult experts in a credible way and start to draw
conclusions based on the facts. If you cannot do that, then you should stand down from a
commission that is meant to be investigating race and disparity to understand the current
issues and how government and society can work together to address them. We look
forward to hearing from you and in the interim, we would be grateful if you could use your
position to ensure that the 30 recommendations of Wendy Williams are implemented in a
timely manner because the issues raised by the Windrush scandal, are ongoing.
Yours sincerely,
[See overleaf for signatories]
CC:
The Rt Hon Boris Johnson MP Prime Minister
The Rt Hon Priti Patel MP Secretary of State for the Home Department
5
The people signing this letter all have a connection with Windrush injustice. Some are direct
victims and some are from organisations working with those directly affected. We have split
the list into organisational representatives and individuals signing in their own right.
Organisations:
Jacqueline McKenzie: McKenzie Beute and Pope & Centre for Migration Advice and
Research’s Windrush Justice Project
Michele Beute: McKenzie Beute and Pope
Anthony Hillary: McKenzie Beute and Pope
Jerome Bond: McKenzie Beute and Pope
Arthur Torrington CBE: Windrush Foundation
Professor Gus John: Communities Empowerment Network.
Windrush Lives: advocacy and support group for Windrush victims
Windrush Compensation Project: University of Leicester
Dawn Hill: Windrush National Organisation and Black Cultural Archives
Cllr Sonia Winifred: Cabinet Member Equalities and Culture London Borough of Lambeth
Councillor Patsy Cummings: Race Equality Champion London Borough of Croydon
Councillor Carole Williams: Cabinet member for employment and skills and HR London
Borough of Hackney
Councillor Callton Young OBE, Chair of Croydon African Caribbean Family Organisation, and
Cabinet Member and Windrush Champion London Borough of Croydon
Dr Suzella Palmer: Applied Social Studies University of Bedfordshire
Judge D Peter Herbert O.B.E: Chair BAME Lawyers for Justice & retired Chair of the Society
of Black Lawyers)
Lee Jasper: Vice Chair BAME Lawyers for Justice
Miranda Grell: BAME Lawyers for Justice
Zita Holbourne: National Chair and Founder of BARAC UK and BAME Lawyers for Justice
Donna Guthrie: BARAC UK and BAME Lawyers for Justice
Bishop Dr Desmond Jaddoo: Chair Windrush National Organisation and Windrush
Birmingham
Reverend Clive Foster: Vice Chair Windrush National Organisation and Windrush
Nottingham
Councillor Jacqueline Burnett: Windrush National Organisation and Windrush Luton
Anthony Brown: Windrush National Organisation and WD Legal Manchester
Claude Hendrickson: Windrush National Organisation and Race Card Leeds Project
Glenda Caesar: Windrush National Organisation and Windrush Lives
Jean Prescod: Windrush National Organisation and Septimus Severus Coventry
Glenda Andrew: Windrush National Organisation and Preston Windrush Generation
Descendants
Charlie Williams Windrush National Organisation and Windrush Birmingham
Neil Mukherjee: Windrush National Organisation and Windrush Legacy Oxon
Sibon Phiri: United Legal Access
Melanie Clarke: United Legal Access
Samantha Young: Windrush Legal Angels
Tarjee Clarke: Windrush Legal Angels
Dr Gifty Edila: Windrush Justice Clinic
Anna Steiner: University of Westminster and Windrush Justice Clinic
6
Sally Causer: Southwark Law Centre and Windrush Justice Clinic
Holly Stow: Windrush Justice Clinic
Bella Sankey: Detention Action
Dianne Greyson: Equilibrium Mediation Consulting and Ethnicity Pay Gap Campaign
Carol Cooper: Global Talent Compass
Luke Daniels: Caribbean Labour Solidarity
Kingsley Abrams: Momentum Black Caucus (MBC)
Yvette Williams: Justice 4 Grenfell
Clive Phillip: Mangrove Community Association
Ngoma Silver: Leopold School (Harlesden) Renaming Group
Bob Foster: Windrush Nurses and Beyond Foundation
Nana Asante: IPAD Coalition UK
Nana Haja Salifu: European Network of People of African Descent
Olalekan Odedeyi: Save the Woman
Naglaa Sadik Mustafa: Abdul Mageed Educational Trust
Mojisola Sorunke: The African Sang
Ishmahil Blagrove JR: Rice and Peas
Joan Hall: Just Education Matters
Shaun Pascal: Black Wall Street Media
Esther Armah: The Armah Institute of Emotional Justice
Glen Watson: RMTs Black Solidarity Committee
Individuals:
Anna Rothery: Lord Mayor of Liverpool
Lord Simon Woolley
Professor Sir Geoff Palmer OBE CD
Professor Leslie Thomas QC: Barrister
Martin Forde QC: Barrister
Marcia Willis Stewart QC (hon): Solicitor
Professor Sara Chandler QC (hon)
Leroy Logan MBE
Dr Shola Mos-Shogbamimu
Dr Sandra Richards
Charles Crichlow: former president of the National Black Police Association
Lewitt Nurse: Barrister
Grace Brown: Barrister
David Neita: Barrister
Akima Paul Lambert: Solicitor Advocate
Evelyn Ofori-Koree: Solicitor Advocate
Frances Swaine: Solicitor
Pamela Robotham: Solicitor
Catherine Evans: Solicitor
Sally Gill: Solicitor
Paul McFarlane: Solicitor
Donna Samuels: Solicitor
Pamela Dosu: Solicitor
Darlene Waithe: Solicitor
Tinu Adeshile: Solicitor
7
Sharon Thomas: Solicitor
Ama Ocansey: Solicitor
Joy Van-Cooten: Solicitor
Geraldine Cumberbatch: Solicitor
Sally- Ann Meade: Solicitor
Alex Pascall OBE
Patrick Vernon OBE
Rev Fujo Malaika
Alexandra Ankrah
Yvonne Witter
Natasha Dyer-Williams
Dennot Nyack
David Weaver
Kadi Wilson
Tonika Stephenson
Kimberly McIntosh
Sentina Bristol
Gertrude Ngozi Chinegwundoh
Roy Lee
Adebowale Adelodun
Lebert McLeod
Teresa W. Joseph-Loewenthal
Lorna Downer
Sara Louise-Burke
Bobby Holder
Louis Smart
Vonfil Johnson
Joycelyn John
Ros Griffiths
Barbara Lindsay
Elizabeth Madden
Annemarie Madden
Luigi Madden
Andrew Madden
Shaa Madden
Sherry Ann Desmangles
Danny Hippolyte
Dexter Hippolyte
Christopher Oliver
Veronique Belinga
Vernon Vanriel
Louis Smart
Yvonne Mark
Annie Campbell Viswanathan
Sulekha Hassan
Sophia Mangera
Margaret Greer
8
Alexandra Braithwaite
Angie Le Mar
Chardine Taylor-Stone
Marlene Clarke
9
Tuesday, 6 April 2021
Statement on the Government report of the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities (Race Report)
Statement on the Government report of the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities (Race Report)
BARAC UK is deeply concerned by the tone and content of this report, published on 31st March. https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/the-report-of-the-commission-on-race-and-ethnic-disparities
It seeks to reduce the very real and devastating lived experience of racism by racialised groups of people living in the UK.
It also seeks to divide Black and ethnic minority communities into 'good' and 'bad' migrants and suggests that those of us who campaign against racism are stuck in the past or that we are imagining it. Effectively gaslighting people who experience racism.
To suggest that racism is in the past, ignores the impacts of over a decade of austerity with disproportionate impacts on employment and service provision, the Grenfell Tower fire, the Windrush scandal, the treatment of people who are displaced and are refugees, the disproportionate rate of contracting and dying of coronavirus, to name but a few recent and current events, still impacting now.
The report barely mentions the Windrush Scandal or the Grenfell fire.
Astonishingly the report also disregards institutional racism and seems to lack an understanding of what institutional racism is, but goes on to suggest that we are all confused about the difference between institutional, systemic and structural racism.
An extract of the report states:
"However, we have argued for the use of the term ‘institutional racism’ to be applied only when deep-seated racism can be proven on a systemic level and not be used as a general catch-all phrase for any micro aggression, witting or unwitting."
Following the inquiry into the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence, the McPherson report in 1999 defined institutional racism as:
"The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin."
A number of review reports ten and twenty years on, found that the original 70 recommendations had not been implemented and institutional racism still exists. The race report suggests that the McPherson report was limited to policing only but it raised concerns about a range of public bodies.
Since then, several government investigations and reports into racism have found that institutional racism does exist. For the race report to suggest that people and organisations are confusing micro aggressions with institutional racism is insulting and disgraceful.
The report attempts to reduce racist hate crime as 'individual instances' as though they don’t count and don’t have an impact and to state that our success as racialised people should be "regarded as a model for other White-majority countries", playing down racist hate crime and suggesting that if people succeed in 'education' and 'the economy' this makes the UK a shining example of positive race relations irrespective of the lived experiences of racism and their devastating impacts.
The race report refers to some previous reports on racism but does not mention the Windrush Lessons Learned report or the Joint Committee on Human Rights report which last Autumn stated as we have been saying, that all the recommendations from the previous reports needed to be implemented.
We did not need yet another report, but for action to be taken to address racism in all its forms without arguments put forward to reduce and disregard some forms of racism over others. All racism is wrong and all racism has devastating impacts on lives, life chances and future generations.
The race report makes 24 new recommendations.
Recommendation one includes investing in the EHRC. The EHRC was subjected to funding cuts by the government, which not only impacted on its ability to carry out enforcement work but also led to disproportionate numbers of Black and Asian staff losing their jobs at the EHRC.
In 2017 Lord Herman Ouseley, Lord Simon Woolley and I were part of a delegation that met with the EHRC about this, read more here;
http://blackactivistsrisingagainstcuts.blogspot.com/2017/04/follow-up-letter-to-ehrc-from-race.html?m=1
Recommendations call for partnerships with the police and for improved training for police to interact with communities but nothing about addressing institutional racism in policing and police brutality. Just look at the recent case of missing student Richard Okorogheye, at the time of writing this, I am so devastated for his family that a body which matches his description has been found (but not formally identified yet). Richard's mother Evidence Joel told the press that the police told her when she reported him missing:
"If you can't find your son, how do you expect police officers to find your son for you?"
At the start of this year Mohammud Mohammed Hassan was taken into police custody overnight in Wales. By the next day he was dead.
Black, Asian and minority ethnic people face discrimination in the labour market, in recruitment, appraisal, promotion, progression and pay but the report recommends:
"the use of sponsorship to ensure wider exposure of ethnic minority individuals to their peers, managers and other decision makers".
It speaks of fairness needed at work but not equality.
On the race pay gap it recommends;
Investigate what causes existing ethnic pay disparities
and
Investigate what causes existing ethnic pay disparities
But no recommendations on closing the race pay gap.
There is specific law on the gender pay act so why not on the race pay gap.
The report suggests that Black Lives Matter protests in the UK in 2020, which is what led to the Commission's establishment, were solely concerned with the horrific murder of George Floyd and racism in the USA. This is not true at all. The protests were calling for justice for George Floyd but also about the racism which exists in the UK including the legacies of enslavement of African people and colonialism which exist today not just in statues and symbols but also policies and practices.
The report is condescending towards young people and insults their intelligence, gaslighting them also. In fact, the report seeks to make light of the 'transatlantic slave trade’ or worse still glorifying it as they say:
"There is a new story about the Caribbean experience which speaks to the slave period not only being about profit and suffering but how culturally African people transformed themselves into a re-modelled African/Britain"
They also describe calls to decolonise the curriculum as negative. They say they want children to 'reclaim their British heritage' but don’t seem to understand the importance of history being taught truthfully and the experiences and achievements of black and brown people in history being included in the curriculum.
As somebody who has campaigned for black history to be on the curriculum including as part of the Mary Seacole Curriculum Campaign, I do not agree, Black, Asian and minority ethnic children have the right to learn about the histories and heritage of their parents and ancestors too:
https://www.obv.org.uk/news-blogs/we-ve-won-mary-seacole-olaudah-equiano
Also, in my role as part of the UNESCO Coalition of Artists for the General History of Africa, I promote the 8 volumes of the history of Africa in my work in the arts, the UN recognises the benefits of decolonisation and promoting African history as a way of countering the racism faced by young black people of the African diaspora.
“The Coalition aims to mobilize and raise awareness of the African youth and diaspora around a number of central themes related to the General History of Africa (valuing African contributions to contemporary societies, promoting a pan-African identity, “decolonizing” minds, celebrating African diasporas.”
https://en.unesco.org/general-history-africa/coalition
I reject these ideas in the report about history and heritage. It’s crucial for children to learn about all their roots and heritage , it helps to break down barriers and to instil value and worth.
The report negatively labels young people, families and negatively targets Caribbean communities specifically.
Bizarrely the report references the ceremony for the opening of the Olympic games in London as demonstrating progress on race because there were black people featured but fails to mention that the Olympic games were held in one of the UK's most deprived boroughs and one with the highest ethnic minority population, that many black and minority ethnic communities were displaced because of the Olympics , losing homes and businesses and that the promises of the games benefitting the local community never materialised. The London borough of Newham is the local authority with the highest rate of covid deaths which is caused by poverty, overcrowded housing, precarious work and disadvantage.
In fact, as the Olympic games opened in Stratford, BARAC UK was also in Stratford, launching an initiative to address race discrimination at a meeting entitled; Jobs and Justice, Olympics Fair Play for Who?
http://blackactivistsrisingagainstcuts.blogspot.com/2012/07/barac-public-meeting-jobs-justice.html?m=1
In addition, I led a successful campaign against racism by the British Olympics Association, when Britain's biggest black newspaper The Voice was denied 1 single media pass whilst the BBC had over 100. Whilst we won the campaign, it should not have been necessary. It ought to have been obvious to even the all white BOA committee that black press would have an interest in the Olympic games, I cannot believe they had missed the significant presence of black athletes at the Olympics.
https://www.campaignlive.co.uk/article/boa-overturns-decision-grant-voice-olympic-stadium-accreditation/1141794?src_site=mediaweek
The report states that instead of focusing on race and ethnicity we need to look at underlying socio-economic issues, but fails to acknowledge that it is due to institutional and structural racism, that those disproportionate impacts linked to socio economic factors, exist.
The report suggests strangely that if we refer to institutional, structural or systemic racism we are trivialising racism. In the same way we may describe, direct and indirect racism and racist harassment and bullying, it is correct that we refer to the other types of racism which exist. It is wrong to say that we are the ones creating a 'problem' by doing so.
In addition, the report has misrepresented the meanings of white privilege and white fragility all together. It seems to suggest that success cancels out discrimination and that they are mutually exclusive.
BARAC UK rejects this report, it seeks to divide communities, trivialise and disregard some forms of racism, gaslights those who experience racism and plays into the hands of those who hold racist views, setting us back not taking us forward.
This statement was published in the Morning Star newspaper on Thursday 8th of April. Read Here
Zita Holbourne
National Chair & Co-Founder BARAC UK
On behalf of BARAC UK
Saturday, 5 December 2020
Support the work of BARAC UK by affiliating to us, making a donation to us or donating to our humanitarian aid crowdfunding platform
https://uk.gofundme.com/f/BARACHumanitarian
BARAC AFFILIATION FORM
To affiliate to Black Activists Rising Against
Cuts (BARAC) UK please complete and return this form together with a cheque or
alternatively pay directly into our account bank account.
· I wish to affiliate to
BARAC UK annually;
£10 Individual concession
£20 Individual waged
£50
Local organisation
£100
Trade union branch or Trades Council
£200 National trade union or organisation
· I wish to give a
donation towards BARAC’s work; £250 £100 £50 £35 £25 £10 Other
£
.….….….….….
· I
enclose a cheque for a total of £ ..........
made out to BARAC UK or Black Activists Rising
Against Cuts
· I have paid the
following amount £……….. into the BARAC Bank Account:
BARAC UK Bank details:
Black Activists Rising Against Cuts (BARAC) UK
Barclays Bank
Sort Code 20 67 90
Account No. 53317803
Signature:
Date:
Name of Organisation (if applicable)
Name:
Position:
Address:
Tel no.:
Email:
Please return affiliation form (and cheque) to:
BARAC UK
C/O Zita Holbourne, National Co-Chair BARAC UK PCS HQ 160 Falcon Road, London,
SW11 2LN
Alternatively email to: barac.info@gmail.com
Black Activists Rising Against Cuts (BARAC) UK
Web: www.blackactivistsrisingagainstcuts.blogspot.com
Twitter:
@baracuk
Facebook: BARAC UK
Instagram: BARACUKoriginal
Thank
you for your support
Monday, 20 July 2020
Press Announcement: Zita Holbourne, Chair of BARAC UK to give the Slavery Remembrance Dorothy Kuya Memorial Lecture 2020
Zita Holbourne, Chair of BARAC to give the Dorothy Kuya Memorial Lecture as part of the International Slavery Museum; Slavery Memorial Weekend of online events.
Zita Holbourne is an award winning human rights campaigner, community and trade union activist, a poet, writer, visual artist, curator and vocalist. She campaigns for equality, freedom, justice and rights through activism and arts. She is the co-founder and National Chair of BARAC UK, the National Vice President of the PCS Union and the Joint National Chair of Artists' Union England, part of the UNESCO Coalition of Artists for the General History of Africa, author of the book Striving for Equality Freedom and Justice. She is the winner of the National Diversity Awards Positive Role Model for Race and the Legacy Awards Life Time Achievement Award for Equality Champion.
Monday, 4 May 2020
Covid-19 and vaccines: Concrete actions needed for global pledges to result in access for all
- AAJM – Association for Fair Access to Medicine, Spain
- Access to Medicines Ireland
- AJF – Africa Japan Forum
- ARAS – Romanian Association Against AIDS
- Association “Novi put”, Bosnia and Herzegovina
- Association des Femmes de l’Europe Méridionale – AFEM
- Aurora Universities Network, The Netherlands
- Austrian Institute for Health Technology Assessment (AIHTA), Austria
- BEUC – The European Consumer Organisation
- Black Activists Rising Against Cuts – BARAC, UK
- Chronic Illness Advocacy & Awareness Group, USA/Global
- Commons Network, The Netherlands
- Corporate Europe Observatory – CEO
- Ecologistas en Acción, Spain
- EKPIZO, Greece
- European Alliance for Responsible R&D and Affordable Medicines
- European Public Health Alliance – EPHA
- European Public Services Union – EPSU
- Fondation Eboko, France
- Fondation Joseph The Worker/Structure Lazarienne, Bénin
- Foundation for Integrative AIDS Research – FIAR, USA
- France Assos Santé, France
- Fundación IFARMA, Colombia
- Fundación Mexicana para la Planeación Familiar, Mexico
- Global Health Advocates
- Global Justice Now, UK
- Health Global Access Project
- Health Poverty Action
- Heart to Heart Foundation, Thailand
- Ibn Sina Academy of Medieval Medicine and Sciences, India
- Instituto para el Desarrollo Humano, Bolivia
- IT for Change, India
- ITPC-LATCA
- KEI Europe
- La Ligue contre le Cancer, France
- Mecanismo social de de control y apoyo en VIH – MSCAV, Colombia
- Médecins du Monde France
- Medicines, Information and Power, Colombia
- MSF Access Campaign
- OCU – Organización de Consumidores y Usuarios, Spain
- People’s Health Movement, Kenya
- Pharmaceutical Accountability Foundation, the Netherlands
- Prescrire, France
- Public Eye, Switzerland
- Society of Development and Care – SODECA
- SOMO Centre for Research on Multinational Corporations
- STOPAIDS, UK
- Students for Global Health (SfGH-UK), UK
- Sukaar welfare organization, Pakistan
- T1 International
- Test Aankoop/Test Achats, Belgium
- Transnational Institute, The Netherlands
- Transparency International Health Initiative
- Treatment Action Group, USA
- Tunisian association of Positive Prevention – ATP+
- UFC-Que Choisir, France
- Universities Allied for Essential Medicines, UAEM
- Wemos Foundation, The Netherlands
- Yolse, Santé Publique et Innovation, Switzerland















